Sir, dialogue is the only answer. Let us talk with the terrorists. Today, the hon. veteran Parliamentarian Shri Indrajit Gupta raised this question. Of course, he has rightly said that there are certain problems. But let me also place certain facts before you, before this august House and before the hon. Home Minister. There are an instance in the past when late Shri Phizo left India leaving the issue of Naga sovereignity unresolved, but the representatives of the Government of India continued to be in touch with him in the U.K. and whatever truce we later had largely depended on the discussion that was held with late Phizo. It may be that the situation in Nagaland has deteriorated now, but there was a time, a long spell of several years when there was normalcy in Nagaland. Even I can say that when the hon. Prime Minister was the Minister of External Affairs between 1977 and 1979, he met Shri Phizo in U.K. in 1978. Then, later in the case of Shri Laldenga who left India for Europe while the Mizo insurgency was still burning the talk between him and the Government representatives still continued and ultimately he came back to New Delhi in 1980 for a formal talk when late Shrimati Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister. The talk failed at that time and Shri Laldenga left India, but even then, the talk did continue, and ultimately, he was persuaded to come to Delhi when late Shri Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime Minister. That time, the talk was fruitful, and the Mizo Accord is one of the most effective Accords that we have had so far, and Mizoram is now one of the most peaceful States in the country.
But how long will it remain peaceful, when the climate of insurgency is building around the State? Why, did the representatives of the terrorists met our former Prime Minister, Shri Devegowda, at Davos in Switzerland. So, let us keep an open mind. Already, our hon. Member, Shri Indrajit Gupta, talked about this. He has doubts, but let us keep an open mind. If possible, let us have a preliminary talk. Who knows, it may be in a third country. But if it gives us peace, let us go in for that.
Before I conclude, I would like to refer to a development which might aggravate the insurgency situation and ethnic violence or clashes in the North-Eastern region where the situation is already surcharged. We should bear in mind that all the terrorist situations in the country must not be clubbed together. That was the mistake we made earlier. Every terrorist situation has a character of its own, and the situation in the North-East, unlike in some other parts of the country, is not mixed with religion. I raise this point because when this discussion was initiated, hon. Member Tapan Sikdar, I do not know whether he is present or not, has raised certain points. In reply to that, I want to say something. As reported in a section of the Press, I have got the press-cuttings with me, a serious situation arises out of a threat held out by some communal outfit -- I am sorry, it has been named "the Vishwa Hindu Parishad" -- that it would soon carry out mass conversion propaganda in the seven North-Eastern States targeting 30 per cent of the 30 million people of the region. These 30 per cent people are all Christians. This outfit has taken an obnoxious plea that the Christian Missionaries aid and abet insurgency in the region. This threat will, in fact, create a situation leading to a physical and theological war in a majority of States which are predominantly Christian, and in other States too, where there is a sizeable Christian population. There are an estimated 40,000 Churches in this region. That is why, we apprehend an alarming dimension to these ethnic clashes and terrorist violence, which had already assailed the region. We have reasons to apprehend because the reported episode of Bible burning at Rajkot and organised attacks on Christians and Muslims in Gujarat as reported in the Press -- again, I have got that cutting -- corroborates our apprehension that the threat held out by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is real.
While concluding, Sir, what I would emphasise is that the situation in the North-East is not just a law and order problem nor any developmental packages will end the insurgency immediately. The basic question is, how to restore the confidence of those who have taken to guns. It does not matter what their numerical strength is. The common people are also watching .
At the moment, I am afraid, a section of Army personnel sometimes behave as if it is an occupation Army. Reported raping cases, in spite of protests all over the region and in spite of many PILs pending before the High Court on this matter, still continue. Fake encounters, torturing of innocent people, even old and teenagers, for eliciting information about the
terrorists, all these things give the impression that a section of Army officers or personnel is callous to the sentiments and feelings of the people.
Sir, when the National Human Rights Commission was constituted, it was decided to educate and motivate the Army, paramilitary forces and the police on human rights and what psychological damages it will cause when these rights are violated. I am afraid, the matter has been taken in a very perfunctory way. The Government should remember that unless human rights are upheld and respected by the law and order enforcement machinery, even the amendment of the Armed Forces Act or the prospect of development for an uncertain future, will not be able to put an end to this massive sense of alienation that the people of the North-East are stricken with.
It is against this background that I agree with our former Home Minister, Shri Indrajit Gupta that NSCN (IM) is the fountainhead of insurgent groups and must be tackled effectively to bring them to dialogue but, at the same time, we face the problem of insurgency in Mizoram. I was Governor for five years in Mizoram and I know the problem of peace and violence there. Shri Swaraj Kaushal was there before me. I know the problem there.
There is a way out. Mizoram did show the way out. Now, he can do it. On the one side, I agree that the military option is not the answer. But it is the human factor that is the answer.
I welcome the move to have an emissary to meet the NSCN. But, at the same time, I would like to request Shri L.K. Advani to see that the emissary takes into confidence the people of Nagaland through their elected representatives. As I know today, the Government of Nagaland has to be taken into confidence. There are also certain organisations which play a very important role in the furtherance of peace. This also has to be taken into consideration and they should also be taken into confidence. I do not like to be drawn further into other details. The most important point that I would like to bring to the attention of the House is the need to instill a sense of confidence. Let us not allow a sense of diffidence to control us.
Three Prime Ministers starting with the then Prime Minister Shri H.D. Deve Gowda, visited the area. On 27th October, 1996, he came to the North East. I met him. We discussed many things about the North-East. He made an announcement of a new initiative for the development of the North-East. The amount that was given to the North-East was about Rs.6000 crore. Later, the then Prime Minister Shri I.K. Gujral came to Mizoram. We discussed certain things. I believe that after the discussions with a number of leaders of the region, the amount was revised to about Rs.7300 crore. Then, the Shukla Commission was constituted to clear the backlog. A sum of Rs.9396 crore was granted in terms of deployment in minimal basic needs and services. Then, again, an announcement was made to earmark 10 per cent of the Budget allocation from each Ministry for the region that would form the Non-lapsable Pool Fund. These are the three components.
I say that this is the commitment of the three Prime Ministers. To the people of the North-East, to the common man of the North-East, the Prime Minister of the country at present is an Indian. Today, if this commitment is not reflected either in the Budget or in certain other ways to improve the material existence of the people, then the people of the North-East will lose faith not only in the Prime Minister but in the country as a whole. So, this is the point that I would like to bring home here. We should make an attempt and we should take all steps to see that these commitments are implemented. Otherwise, there will be a backlash of diffidence. I am afraid that it may lead to more frustration.
I am a man of peace. We have fought our own struggle for Meghalaya through a satyagraha. Shri Purno A. Sangma knows about it. Today, in the North-East, there is a new mood for peace. A majority of the people of the North-East want peace. They are a peace-loving people. It is only a small minority that believe in violence. Therefore, I feel that today is the time for us to entrench peace in the region.
The other point that I would like to make is that let us not club the entire North-East as an insurgency-infested area. There are some areas of peace...(Interruptions) There are so many areas of peace even in those States where insurgency problem is there. Our duty is to enlarge the area of peace and restrict and constrict the areas of violence. Peace is the key that needs to be opened up so that the North-East can really march ahead with heads held high in building a modern India.
When we talk of the North-East, we all know, that there have been insurgencies almost in every State of the North-East -- Nagaland, Mizoram, Assam, Manipur and Tripura. Why is there insurgency after insurgency? What is the root cause of insurgency in the North-East? How can we find out the real cause of the insurgency in the North-East? What is the solution or the remedy for this? What will be the answer to this trouble?
17.27 hrs (Shri K. Yerrannaidu in the Chair)
There may be different kinds of factors bringing about insurgency in the different States. There must be a root cause common to all.
During the British period, most of the North-East areas had been outside India. It was not within India. But with the Independence of India, these parts were brought under the Indian Union. Now we are celebrating the Fifty years of our Independence. All these Fifty years of Independence, the North-East people, particularly the Mizos have been trying to learn to become Indians. They have totally failed. What do we see in the North-East? We see only insurgency. Why? There must be a root cause for this. The main cause of this insurgency is the feeling of being insecured in the minds of the people of this land. They have a sense and feeling of insecurity and isolation. Even till now, most of the people in the remote areas do not know whether they are inside India or outside India as there is no positive role of the Government of India. I do not totally blame the Government of India. I have to blame even the State Government also to some extent. I do not have to hide anything. We do not expect lip sympathies but we accept the reality. Shri Kyndiah has spoken about Mizos.
In 1966 insurrection and insurgency broke out in Mizoram. What was the real cause of that? A spark neglected, burns the house. There was a great famine in Mizoram in 1959. But the people were very much dissatisfied with the treatment that they got from the Assam Government. So, there came a sort of an association like Mizo National Famine Front. No timely treatment was given to it. Because of that, the Famine Front turned into the MNF, a rebel organisation, demanding full independence from India.
But fortunately after 20 long years...
MR. CHAIRMAN : Please conclude now.
SHRI H. LALLUNGMUANA : Sir, this is my maiden speech. Please give me some time. There is no one to speak from Mizoram except me. Within five months, it is the only time I am getting. Please understand.
When the Peace Accord was signed in 1986, the people rejoiced. The Government of India was also very happy. We, the people, were also very happy expecting some reality from the Peace Accord. But the unfortunate thing is that the fulfilment of the provisions of the Peace Accord, till now, is not coming true. People are expecting something real from the Government of India.
For example, a separate University for Mizoram, has not come even after 12 years of the Peace Accord. There is no separate High Court in Mizoram which was a promise in the Peace Accord. There is no effective border trade even till now. For all these things that we are receiving now, the people are very discontented and very disappointed. So, the situation in Mizoram -- even though it is the most peaceful State in the North-East and even among the Indian States -- there is no progress or development at all. There is no infrastructure. The educated people are jobless. There is no employment opportunity for them. Of course, Mizoram stands the second highest in terms of literacy in India next to Kerala. It has got about 86 per cent literacy rate. But many educated people are jobless there. It is a hilly region. Agriculture could not be done very properly. They remain jobless. They remain doing nothing. So, they attempted to do something. Even it is not good, it will be a bad one.
But till now, it is very fortunate that we remain peaceful. But if the situation regarding employment and other things remain like this, I am afraid, a day may come when the youth who have not experienced the effect of the insurrection, will resort to take arms and rebellion. So, something is to be done now. The solution lies not in increasing the number of military people.
Let me tell you one experience of mine. During 1974, I was teaching in a college. Then, military operation during the mid night was there. My door was kicked by the military people and they forced to enter into my house. I did not allow this. I said, "Unless you bring some witness, you will not be allowed." Then they challenged me. They threatened to kill me. I said, "If you want to kill me, you kill me. I am a Class-I Gazetted Officer. I will not allow anybody who is against the Constitution." Then he said, "What did he do wrong?" Then I said, "You have the right. About your special act, I know. But you do not have the right to enter my house without two witnesses. You bring only one witness." Then he said, "Military people can do anything here in Mizoram." Then I said, "I do not see anybody who is able to do anything. Even the Prime Minister or the President of India cannot do anything he likes. If he does so, he is beyond the law, he will become outlaw. If you can do anything you like here, you become outlaw. You are the enemy of India. I will tell you. These people never see what is India. They do not know what is India like? You are the representative of India. If you do not follow the rules and acts of procedure or the Indian Penal Code, then India is the country which never respect any human rights here. How can you win the hearts of the people?" This is what I challenged him. Then at last, he could not refute.
Now, the solution lies in the heart-winning policy, in the confidence-making policy of the Government of India. Let us give employment, let us give something to do to the youth now. This is the solution.
Another thing, which I want to point out is that on the part of the State Government, there is a great misuse of money in the North-Eastern region. This is also the cause of trouble there. So, the Central Government should follow a little bit rigid and strict financial management.
Do not give forgiveness or too much of condonation or such sort of things to the existing administration. Even as such corruption is too rampant. The beneficiaries should be reached with any amount sanctioned for them. Unless these measures are taken, how can we have the feeling of greatness for India? Let us show a good India to the people of the North-East. Then only will we win their hearts and real peace will come through the development.